The voting decision is dependent upon two actions: registering to vote and then following through with the action. Voting is viewed by many as the most minimal form of civic engagement, yet it is the tool by which most Americans interact with the political process and hold elected ofcials responsible for their actions.

In the 2004 Presidential election, Chicagoland citizens (65.5%) were almost as likely to show up at the polls than other Illinoisans (65.6%) and were more likely than their national peers (63.8%). Fast forward to 2008, where turnout actually declined among Chicagoland citizens (62.1%), and were outpaced by both their state (62.6%) and national peers (63.6%). Recall that the 2008 election had a favorite–son candidate, then–Senator Barack Obama, running for president. While this arguably lured many regional and state residents to the polls on Election Day, many others may have abstained with the expectation that Obama would win easily, diminishing the importance of individual votes.

Parsing the region, City of Chicago residents voted more frequently than their metropolitan peers, registering a 65.4% turnout in 2008 as opposed to 60.1% for those who live in the outlying suburban areas.

Breaking down the Chicagoland 2008 vote along generational lines, Baby Boomers (born 1946–1964) were the most likely to vote (68.3%), followed by Gen–Xers (born 1965–1980, 64.4%), and members of the Silent Generation (born 1945 or earlier, 58.1%). Millennials, born after 1980, were the least likely (49.9%) to report voting in 2008. While these numbers mirror national trends, they should temper celebrations of unprecedented youth involvement in the 2008 campaign. True, civic engagement is subject to a lifecycle effect, where participation grows throughout one's life into middle age, and tails off as one becomes a senior citizen. However, political involvement among young people (Millennials, and especially Gen–Xers) still lags behind other generations when accounting for their current position in life. 2

Of all the participatory political acts, voting is the least likely to break down along class lines. 3 While Chicagoland residents who make more than $75,000 annually were the most likely to vote in 2008 (76% turnout rate), those making less than $35,000 ranked second (66.8%), besting the $35,000–$50,000 (59.8%) and $50,000–$75,000 (66.2%) income brackets.

Similar trends held true for voter registration in 2004 and 2008. Chicagoland citizens were more likely than their national counterparts to be registered to vote in 2004 (73.5% of Chicagoland citizens registered to vote versus 71.0%). Chicagoland citizens, however, were less likely to have been registered compared with the statewide registration rate (74.5%). Moreover, Chicagoland did lagged behind both in 2008 (69.0%, 70.9%, and 71.0% respectively), falling in absolute and relative terms.

Voter registration in Chicagoland also mirrors voter turnout along generational lines. Once more, Baby Boomers (75.0%) were the most likely to be registered, followed by Gen–Xers (70.3%), the Silent Generation (65.6%), and nally, Millennials (59.1%). The same is true for the city–suburban split, as Chicago residents where registered at a higher rate (71.5%) than suburban residents (67.7%).

In 2008, turnout among registered voters was quite high, reaching 90% among Chicagoland citizens, slightly outpacing state (88.4%) and national citizens (89.6%). Illinois residents face greater challenges in attempting to register in comparison to northern neighbors Minnesota and Wisconsin. Both states allow voters to register at the polls on Election Day and typically rank at or near the top in national measures of voter turnout. While Illinois voters are still required to register one month prior to primary and general elections, the state legislature did lower the bar for no–excuse absentee balloting in August 2009, permitting “…a new person to request and vote an absentee ballot without specifying a reason for being absent at the polling place on Election Day.” 4

Methods of voter registration vary, but registering at the Department of Motor Vehicles is the most common option for Chicagoans, followed closely by a city or county registration office. Chicagoans are more than twice as likely as their national counterparts to register as a result of a registration drive (15.6% compared with 7.6%), are on par for registering at either a school, hospital, or campus (8.1% versus 8.0%), and lag signicantly behind the national average of voters who register by mail (7.6% versus 16.7%).

Among those who failed to register, Chicagoans (34.4%) were less likely than other state citizens (38.5%) and the rest of the nation (40.8%) to express their disinterest in the election or lack of involvement with politics as the reason for their nonparticipation. However, they were much more likely to cite their failure to meet registration deadlines (23.5% versus 17.9% statewide and 14.7% nationally), and also their ineligibility to vote altogether even though they were U.S. citizens (9.7% compared with 8.7% in Illinois and 8.0% in the U.S.). Chicagoans mirrored other state and national citizens in the percentage who claimed they didn't know how or where to register to vote (4.0%, 4.4%, and 3.8%, respectively).

For those registered voters who failed to make it to the polls on Election Day, a plurality of Chicagoland citizens (27.2%) claimed that they were too busy, tied down by either work or school obligations, exceeding both state (23.3%) and national reports (18.9%) on this count. Individual or familial illness or disability ranked second (21.9%), followed by those who cited a lack of interest or felt that their vote wouldn't make a difference (18.0%). Other factors, in order of frequency include a dislike of the candidates or campaign issues (8.0%), those who were out of town on Election Day (7.0%), inconvenient polling place locations, hours, or excessively long lines (3.3%), registration problems (did not receive an absentee ballot, not registered at their current residence, 2.6%), and those who simply forgot (0.9%).

While voting by mail is increasingly common in states and cities across the nation (Oregon, for example), accounting for 16% of American voters, it remains rare among Chicagoans (4.0%) and Illinois residents (3.8%). The same is true for those who take advantage of early voting opportunities. While Chicagoans are more likely to vote early than other Illinois citizens (25.7% compared with 21.2%), both trail its national incidence (29.8%).

Chicagoland residents also engaged in various forms of non–electoral participation (see Figure1), including contacting or visiting a public official; attending a meeting where political issues are discussed; purchasing or boycotting a product for political reasons; taking p art in a march, rally, protest, or demonstration; or supporting a political candidate or party via financial donations or by other means. Unfortunately, each of these non–electoral activities is the exception rather than the norm.

Of additional concern are the racial disparities related to political acts beyond voting. While Whites and African–Americans are almost equally likely to participate in one or more political acts beyond voting, Latinos trail on this count by signicant margins. Participatory inequalities may translate into distorted forms of representation when public voices fail to mirror the populace, as political interests vary by income, educational attainment, race, and ethnicity.